When a Nation Implodes: Haiti, Disordered Power, and the Catholic Case for Integral Development

Gangs control roughly 90% of Port-au-Prince. Drone attacks on civilian populations have increased 120% in a single year. More than 1,200 people, including 17 children, have been killed by small quadcopter drones fitted with explosives and detonated in markets and public squares. These figures come from a July 15, 2026 interview on EWTN News Nightly with Ciarán Donnelly, senior vice president for crisis response, recovery, and development at the International Rescue Committee, who described Haiti as being "in the grip of an overwhelming humanitarian crisis."[^1] Haiti has moved from ninth place in 2023 to fifth place on the IRC's 2026 emergency watch list, which ranks the 20 countries facing the world's most severe crises.

What causes a nation to implode? Greed, fear, self-preservation, mismanagement, lack of resources: the answer is yes to all of them, but that list is a symptom catalog, not a diagnosis. The diagnosis requires a vocabulary that secular crisis-response frameworks rarely supply.

The anthropology behind the collapse

Aquinas argued in the Summa Theologiae that concupiscence, disordered desire, appetite unmoored from reason and the good, does not remain a private affair.[^2] When it accumulates across institutions, when the men and women who hold power consistently choose self-preservation over the common good, it reorganizes the structures through which an entire people live. Haiti is a case study in disordered appetite at the social scale: every actor, from the political class to the armed gang leader to the underfunded international bureaucracy, operating from fear or acquisitiveness, ordered toward nothing genuinely good for the whole.

Pope Paul VI saw this mechanism at work in the developing world and named it directly. In Populorum Progressio, he called on Catholics in developed nations to "offer their skills and earnest assistance to public and private organizations, both civil and religious, working to solve the problems of developing nations," framing this not as charity but as justice.[^3] Integral human development requires ordered social structures, and ordered social structures require persons whose desires are ordered toward something other than their own survival or enrichment. Without that integrity, institutions hollow out. Haiti illustrates the point with terrible clarity.

Half of Haiti's population of roughly 6.4 million people currently need humanitarian assistance. Access to healthcare is severely limited. Water and sanitation services have broken down. Women and children face particular exposure to violence.[^1] These are the downstream consequences of a failure of moral formation in the people who hold power: the abdication of justice, the normalization of predation, the reduction of the common good to whatever the strongest gang can extract today.

What integral development actually requires

Benedict XVI, writing in Caritas in Veritate, insisted that "solutions need to be carefully designed to correspond to people's concrete lives, based on a prudential evaluation of each situation." He was critical of international aid machinery that becomes self-perpetuating, consuming resources meant for the poor while subordinating recipients to the logic of the donor.[^4] The critique lands on Haiti, where decades of international intervention have not produced functioning civic institutions. Money flows in; ordered social life does not follow, because development is not a technical problem solved by resource transfer. It is a human problem, which means it requires transformed persons acting within transformed institutions.

This is where the Catholic Christian understanding of the person carries analytical weight standard humanitarian frameworks don't. The Catholic Christian Meta-Model of the Person, developed by Paul Vitz, William Nordling, and Craig Steven Titus, grounds human flourishing in the unity of body, soul, and spirit, understood across the arc of creation, fall, and redemption.[^5] The fallen state, disordered desire, weakened will, reason obscured by passion, is not a theological abstraction. It describes the operating condition of every actor in the Haiti crisis: the gang leader who deploys a drone against a market because territory and fear are his only currencies; the political official who siphons aid because the institutions meant to hold him accountable have already collapsed; the international worker who processes paperwork while the aid percentage shrinks. None of this is inevitable. It is the result of choices made by persons whose moral formation was insufficient to resist the pressures bearing on them.

Civil society, and what its collapse removes

Civil society, the network of families, parishes, schools, neighborhood organizations, and voluntary associations that exist between the individual and the state, is precisely what gang control destroys. When 90% of a capital city is controlled by armed groups, civil society cannot function. The ordinary relationships through which persons form character, pass on tradition, care for the vulnerable, and resist exploitation are severed.

Pope Paul VI, in Ecclesiam Suam, described the mission of forming persons toward sentiments and structures "opposed to violent and deadly conflicts" and toward "just, rational, and peaceful relations," identifying selfishness and greed as the root causes from which war, and by extension the organized predation of gang governance, arises.[^6] The theological vocabulary names a causal mechanism: the interior disorder of persons scales into the exterior disorder of societies.

What can be done

Prudence, which Aquinas treats as the virtue that orders all other action toward genuinely good ends, requires responding to the emergency first: healthcare, water, sanitation, protection for women and children.[^2] But prudence also looks beyond the immediate act to the conditions that make ordered action possible over time. Building those conditions in Haiti means rebuilding the network of moral formation that civil society once provided, institution by institution, person by person.

This is an admittedly slow process. But it is the actual work: forming persons capable of ordered desire, capable of justice, capable of preferring the common good to their own self-preservation. It does not solve a drone crisis in a week. It builds the kind of society in which the conditions for a drone crisis do not accumulate in the first place. Haiti's emergency is the cost of neglecting that work across generations, compounded by the effects of scarcity.

To the nations this is a call to solidarity both in physical resources and virtue oriented accompaniment.

References

[^1]: Donnelly, C. (Interview). (2026, July 15). Haiti plunged into deepening violence as drone fatalities, gang activity increase. EWTN News / Catholic World Report. https://www.catholicworldreport.com/2026/07/15/haiti-plunged-into-deepening-violence-as-drone-fatalities-gang-activity-increase/

[^2]: Aquinas, T. (1274). Summa Theologiae, I-II, qq. 77-78. On concupiscence and the disordering of appetite from reason. Benziger Bros. edition (1947).

[^3]: Paul VI. (1967). Populorum Progressio. Vatican Polyglot Press. § 81.

[^4]: Benedict XVI. (2009). Caritas in Veritate. Vatican Polyglot Press. §§ 47-48.

[^5]: Vitz, P. C., Nordling, W. J., & Titus, C. S. (Eds.). (2020). A Catholic Christian meta-model of the person: Integration with psychology and mental health practice. Divine Mercy University Press.

[^6]: Paul VI. (1964). Ecclesiam Suam. Vatican Polyglot Press.